Army in Vietnam. Chapter 2. THE U. S. ARMY IN VIETNAM. Extracted from Revised Edition of AMERICAN MILITARY HISTORY.
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ARMY HISTORICAL SERIESUNITED STATES ARMY CENTER OF MILITARY HISTORY. Army in Vietnam. The Vietnam War was the legacy of France's failure to suppress nationalist. Indochina as it struggled to restore its colonial dominion after World. War II. Led by Ho Chi Minh, a Communist- dominated revolutionary movement. Army's first encounters with Ho Chi Minh were brief and sympathetic.
Army officers stood at Ho's side in August 1. Vietnam's independence. Five years later, however.
Communist and non- Communist powers, Army advisers of the newly formed. U. S. Military Assistance Advisory Group (MAAG), Indochina, were aiding France.
Viet Minh. With combat raging in Korea and mainland China recently. Communists, the war in Indochina now appeared to Americans as. Communist expansion. Asia. By underwriting French military efforts in Southeast Asia, the United. States enabled France to sustain its economic recovery and to contribute, through.
North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), to the collective defense of. Europe. Too few in number to provide. French were unable to. Communist shadow government. French forces left one area to fight elsewhere. Far inland from. coastal supply bases and with roads vulnerable to the Viet Minh, the base depended. The French, expecting the Viet Minh to invade.
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Laos, occupied Dien Bien Phu in November 1. Yet. they had little to gain from an engagement. Victory at Dien Bien Phu would not. Viet Minh would have retired to their. And no French victory at Dien Bien Phu would have reduced.
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Communist control over large segments of the population. On the other hand.
French had much to lose, in manpower, equipment, and prestige. While bombarding the besieged garrison with artillery and. French positions. Supply aircraft. that successfully ran the gauntlet of intense antiaircraft fire risked destruction. Viet Minh artillery. Eventually, supplies and ammunition. As the situation.
France asked the United States to intervene. Believing that. the French position was untenable and that even massive American air attacks. General Matthew B. Ridgway, the Army. Chief of Staff, helped to convince President Dwight D.
Eisenhower not to aid. Ridgway also opposed the use of U. S. On 2. 0 July. France and the Viet Minh agreed to end hostilities and to divide Vietnam temporarily. French forces. withdrew to the South, and hundreds of thousands of civilians, most of whom. Roman Catholics, accompanied them.
The question of unification was left. A. onetime minister in the French colonial administration, Diem enjoyed a reputation. He had resigned his office in 1. Vietnam after the.
Map 4. 76. 22war. Diem returned to Saigon in the summer of 1.
Americans. His authority was challenged. Hoa Hao and Cao Dai religious sects and then by the. Binh Xuyen, an organization of gangsters that controlled Saigon's gambling dens.
Rallying an army, Diem. Remnants of their forces.
Communist guerrilla units. But he weathered the threat of.
American doubts about his ability to survive in the. Vietnamese politics. For the next few years, the United States commitment. South Vietnam's independence was synonymous with support for Diem. Officials in the Eisenhower administration believed that. Korea and Vietnam were too costly and ought to be avoided. Instead, the Eisenhower.
Soviet Union or Communist. China. The New Look, as this policy was called, emphasized nuclear air power. If deterrence failed, planners. Ground forces were relegated to a. In consequence. the Army's share of the defense budget decreased, the modernization of its forces. Unless the United States was willing.
General Ridgway and his successor, General Maxwell D. Both advocated balanced forces to enable the United. States to cope realistically with a variety of military contingencies. The events. of the late 1. The United States intervened in Lebanon in 1.
Two years later an American military show of force. Straits of Taiwan helped to dampen tensions between Communist China and. Nationalist Chinese Government on Formosa.
Both contingencies underlined. They wished to strengthen both conventional. The same reformers were deeply. In the so- called third world, competing cold war ideologies and festering. Southeast. Asia was one of several such areas identified by the Army.
Here the United States'. North Vietnamese and perhaps Chinese aggression. South Vietnam and other non- Communist states. Meanwhile the 3. 42 American advisers of MAAG, Vietnam.
MAAG, Indochina, in 1. Diem's fledgling. North. Three MAAG chiefs. O'Daniel, Samuel T. Williams, and Lionel C. The South Vietnamese Army, with a strength. Army equipment and given the mission.
American. reinforcements. The residual influence of the army's earlier French training. The South Vietnamese had little. French had excluded them. Hence responsibility for most internal security was transferred. Civil Guard and. Self- Defense Corps, which numbered about 7.
For the. 6. 24most part, the Viet Minh in the South avoided armed action and subscribed to. Vietnam- wide elections in 1. Geneva Accords. But Diem, supported by the United States. North. precluded a fair contest. While making some political and economic reforms, he pressed hard. Viet Minh, many of whom were not.
Communists at all but patriots who had joined the movement to fight for Vietnamese. The southerners. urged their colleagues in the North to sanction a new armed struggle in South. Vietnam. For self- protection, some Viet Minh had fled to secret bases to hide. Others joined renegade elements of the former sect armies.
As reforms faltered and Diem became more dictatorial. As Viet Cong military strength increased, attacks against the paramilitary. South Vietnamese Army, became more frequent. Political agitation and military activity also quickened in the.
Central Highlands, where Viet Cong agents recruited among the Montagnard tribes. To attract the growing number of anti- Communists opposed.
Diem, as well as to provide a democratic facade for administering the party's. Viet Cong, Hanoi. December 1. 96. 0 created the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam. The. revival of guerrilla warfare in the South found the advisory group, the South.
Vietnamese Army, and Diem's government ill prepared to wage an effective campaign. The ARVN's. earlier antiguerrilla campaigns, while seemingly successful, had been carried.
The Civil Guard and Self- Defense. Corps, which bore the brunt of the Viet Cong's attacks, were not under the MAAG's. Viet Cong. Diem's regime. American officials disagreed over the seriousness of the guerrilla.
South Vietnamese Army. Only. a handful of the MAAG's advisers had personal experience in counterinsurgency. Army was not a stranger to such conflict. Americans had fought. Philippines at the turn of the century, conducted a guerrilla.
Burma during World War II, helped the Greek and Philippine Governments. Communist insurgencies after the war, and studied the French failure. Indochina and the British success in Malaya.
The Army did not, however, have. For the most part, insurgent. World War II behind enemy lines in support of conventional operations. Insurgency. meant above all a contest for political legitimacy and power. Most of the. Army advisers and Special Forces who were sent to South Vietnam in the early. S were poorly prepared to wage such a struggle. A victory for counterinsurgency.
South Vietnam would require Diem's government not only to outfight the guerrillas. The population provided both. The insurgents hoped not to destroy government forces. By mobilizing the population. Viet Cong compensated for their numerical and material disadvantages. The. rule of thumb that ten soldiers were needed to defeat one guerrilla reflected. For. the Saigon government, the task of isolating the Viet Cong from the population.
Organized. into squads and platoons, part- time guerrillas had several military functions. They reconnoitered the battlefield, served as porters and guides, created. Their very presence and.
Forming companies. Often they formed the protective shield behind which a Communist. Party cadre established its political infrastructure and organized new guerrilla. As the link between guerrilla and. Having limited. offensive capability, local forces usually attacked poorly defended, isolated. Main force. units were organized as battalions, regiments, and. Party policy, military discipline.
Among the insurgents, war was always the servant of policy. Squads and platoons became companies, companies formed.
This process of creating. Viet Cong had a base of support. After 1. 95. 9, however, infiltrators from the North also. Hanoi activated a special military transportation unit to. Ho Chi Minh Trail through Laos and Cambodia.
At first. the infiltrators were southern- born Viet Minh soldiers who had regrouped north. French Indochina War.
Each year until 1. Viet Cong units, usually in the areas where they had originated.
Among the infiltrators were senior cadres, who manned. Viet Cong command system. As the southern branch of the Vietnamese Communist.
Party, COSVN was directly subordinate to the Central Committee in Hanoi. Its. senior commanders were high- ranking officers of North Vietnam's Army. To equip. the growing number of Viet Cong forces in the South, the insurgents continued. South Vietnamese forces. The number of infiltrators alone.
The growth of the insurgency reflected. North Vietnam's skill in infiltrating men and weapons, but South Vietnam's. Diem's failure to develop a credible. Viet Cong influence in the countryside, and the. South Vietnamese Army's difficulties in reducing long- standing Viet Cong bases. Such areas not only facilitated infiltration, but were staging.
Many bases were in remote areas seldom visited by the army. U Minh Forest or the Plain of Reeds. But others existed in the heart.
From such centers the Viet. Cong expanded their influence into adjacent areas that were nominally under. Saigon's control. Kennedy became President in 1. South Vietnam to help Diem defeat the growing insurgency.
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A Thai Princess’ Fairy Tale Comes to an End. The fairy tale finally ended, somewhat bitterly. Having been the royal consort for more than a decade, Princess Srirasmi, the official wife of Thailand’s Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, the only heir apparent to the throne, was stripped of her royal titles. Shortly after, it was reported that she volunteered to resign from the Thai royal family and is returning to her commoner’s roots taking the former name of “Miss Srirasmi Suwadee.”It is now confirmed that on December 1.
Crown Prince Vajiralongkron divorced his third wife, Srirasmi. Weeks earlier, a series of arrests of Srirasmi’s close relatives, who were allegedly involved in corruption, seemed to suggest that a separation was imminent. Her uncle, former Central Investigation Bureau chief Pongpat Chayapan, was charged with graft involving alleged extortion and oil smuggling as well as l.
Meanwhile, her three brothers, Natthapol, Sitthisak, and Narong, and sister Sudathip were similarly accused of defaming the monarchy. As a result, Vajiralongkorn requested that the government remove the royally bestowed family name — Akkrapongpreecha — from his wife’s family members. A statement released by the palace declares that Srirasmi would return to her hometown in Rachaburi, West of Bangkok, to live a quiet life. King Bhumibol Adulyadej has reportedly offered 2. Srirasmi has left her only child, Prince Dipankorn Rasmichoti, 9, in the care of her former husband.
This will allow him to maintain his deserved royal titles. Prince Dipankorn departed Bangkok on December 1. Munich, where he will be put in a local school. Accompanying him was Vajiralongkorn’s new royal consort, Maj. Suthida Vajiralongkorn, who is tipped to become the next queen. Enjoying this article? Click here to subscribe for full access.
Just $5 a month. The shift in position of Srirasmi is significant because it will have a direct effect on the imminent royal succession. In the near future the Crown Prince will elevate his new wife, who will become the future queen of Thailand. But she is a relative unknown.
The Thai royal family has mainly survived in the age of democracy largely because, among many factors, it has remained popular. But the idea of the Crown Prince becoming the next monarch with a mysterious wife unnerves many Thais. The shift will also impact the royal succession in the next generation. According to the Succession Law, an heir to the throne must be the first male born within royal wedlock. Thus, Prince Dipankorn, despite upholding his royal titles, is disqualified from the throne. Rumor has it that the new consort of the Crown Prince has already given birth to a baby boy.
If this is true, the young prince is likely to become the heir apparent after his father becomes king. The dramatic incident within the Thai royal court has also become an inexorable part of the current political crisis. Previously, Vajiralongkorn had forged a close relation with former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, widely loathed by the royal and military elites. As a result, Vajiralongkorn was never their favorite choice.
He was isolated and never saw support from influential figures in the palace. But his father, King Bhumibol, is frail. Bhumibol’s recent birthday, December 5, a much- anticipated date in the Thai calendar, passed by without the king’s appearance. His mother, Queen Sirikit, has suffered strokes and has not been seen in public since 2. The Bhumibol era is waning and the royal transition is looming. The coup of May 2. Vajiralongkorn thus found the need to reconcile with the military and the royal elites.
Walking away from Thaksin and building a bridge with the army would smooth the path for him. The divorce helped lubricate the wheels, since Srirasmi was never accepted by the royal elites due to her questionable past. Many Thai elites said that they would never prostrate in front of a bar girl, the former life of Srirasmi. It appears that Vajiralongkorn is cleaning up his house before the big event. But this also represents a dilemma for Vajiralongkorn.
On the one hand, he has made his backers in the military and the palace happy. The deal into which he has entered with them may possibly bring some stability to the throne. But on the other hand, abandoning his wife this way, just as he did his second wife, Sujarinee Vivacharawongse (who sought exile in the United States), has darkened the already murky image of the Crown Prince. For many Thais, he will rise to the top position with no charisma, no moral authority, and little of their respect.
At the same time as palace politics unfold, the Crown Prince has been unusually active in his duty. He officially endorsed the coup when he agreed to preside over the opening session of the National Legislative Assembly in August. In royal news shown daily on TV at 8 pm, Thais see much more of their prince going out and about, reflecting that he is taking the role of future king seriously. The royal breakup and the new activism of Vajiralongkorn lead us to conclude that he is ready to step up to the crown.
The next question is: what direction will Thailand take while under his kingship? Will he follow in the footsteps of his father — periodically interfering in politics to defend the royal power?
Or will he choose to reform the monarchy — lifting it above politics? Only time will tell. Pavin Chachavalpongpun is associate professor at Kyoto University’s Center for Southeast Asian Studies.